Marx and Engels: Their Contribution to the Democratic Breakthrough (Suny Series in Political Theory. Contemporary Issues)

In line with Nimtz, no humans contributed extra to the fight for democracy within the 19th century than Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. providing the 1st significant examine of the 2 thinkers some time past two decades and the 1st because the cave in of the Soviet Union, this publication demanding situations many extensively held perspectives approximately their democratic credentials and their attitudes and regulations at the peasantry, the significance of nationwide self-determination, the fight for women's equality, their so-called Eurocentric bias, political and get together organizing, and the prospect for socialist revolution in an overwhelmingly peasant and underdeveloped state like late-nineteenth-century Russia.

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Marx, from the NRZ Our paper continues to stand by the principle of émeute [insurrection]. —Marx to Engels Herr Marx (! ) is becoming increasingly more audacious. . . . He takes the liberty . . . in his increasingly popular paper . . . to promote even greater feelings of discontent and  indirectly calling upon the people to revolt. —Cologne Military Commander [The German workers must not be] misled for a single moment by the hypocritical phrases of the democratic party into refraining from the independent organisation of the party of  the proletariat. Their battle cry must be: The Revolution in Permanence. —Marx and Engels, Address of 1850 The question that had politicized the young Marx and Engels, as well as millions of other Germans of their generation—how would democracy come to their land and  who or what class would lead the way—was no longer an abstract query after March 18, 1848. By the end of the summer the question took its most concrete form  but. Marx and Engels had concluded three years earlier that real majority rule could only be realized if class society was eliminated, and that only the proletariat had an  curiosity    Page 84 in and was capable of carrying out such a transformation. Yet they recognized that the best terrain on which to wage a fight against class society was one where a  republic and basic democratic rights existed, that is, bourgeois democracy. Would, however, the German bourgeoisie, as its counterparts in Britain and France had  done earlier, actually lead a bourgeois democratic revolution by overthrowing monarchial feudal rule? In the Manifesto and other writings they had suggested that this  was an open question. Only the real movement would provide an answer to this historic query. While the behavior of the bourgeoisie in the first five months of the  revolution hinted strongly at what that might be, only after September would it be known with certainty. The counterrevolutionary forces in Germany had clearly been emboldened by the slaughter in Paris a few months earlier. The NRZ tendency, under Marx's leadership,  however, was convinced that it was still possible to push the revolution forward. Hence, the decision to root its members in the leadership of the democratic movement  of Cologne—the city that was expected to have a key role in consummating the bourgeois revolution. Indeed, by the end of the summer, Cologne flared up. From  September to November the Rhineland capital was on the center stage of the German revolution with the Marx party at the helm. As the crisis deepened the party's  workload increased. In addition to vital editorial responsibilities, Marx and the NRZ group were obligated to spend more time at mass meetings, demonstrations, and  eventually on the barricades. By December the counterrevolution had triumphed in Prussia if not in its Rhineland province. By June of the following year it had  triumphed in all of Germany. It was not until the summer of 1850 that Marx and Engels concluded that the revolutionary wave that began in Paris in February 1848  had come to a definitive end.

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